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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over a vast expanse of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major victory by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his tenacity and his vow to dismantle the discredited state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was part of this, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, among them dozens of minors.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti led loyalist troops that defeated them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and took on a role to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

This backfired. In 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.